Kargox at The Next Hurrah is deeply troubled by the responses of Judge Michael Mukasey, the administration’s nominee for Attorney General, to questions posed by Sen. Pat Leahy and others of the Senate Judiciary Committee:
An “administration” that sends distinguished federal judges to Capitol Hill and puts them in a position requiring them to hedge on answers to such basic questions as must a president obey federal statutes is operating so far outside the bounds of normalcy already, that it hardly seems worth anyone’s time to pretend that an Attorney General is necessary to the functioning of the government at all.
Indeed, the confirmation of an Attorney General at this point does the country a considerable disservice, by glossing over the fact that the “administration” is operating in a manner that would actually require this kind of evasion from someone who supposedly aspires to the nation’s top law enforcement position.
Previously, a few days after the hearings two weeks ago, Kargox had asserted that the country is better off with no attorney general than one who had to compromise him or herself to the extent necessary to be successfully vetted for nominated by this administration.
The aspect of Mukasey’s testimony that has garnered the most press is his reluctance to state unequivocally that waterboarding is a form of torture. But what Kargox and other writers find even more troubling is the fact that during his second and last day of testimony (Tuesday, October 16, IIRC) he refused to state explicitly that the president is constrained by law, as typified by this exchange between Sen. Leahy and the judge quoted by Marcy Wheeler in her riff on Kargox’s post:
LEAHY: And, lastly, where Congress has clearly legislated in an area, as we’ve done in the area of surveillance with the FISA law, something we’ve amended repeatedly at the request of various administrations, if somebody — if it’s been legislated and stated very clearly what must be done, if you operate outside of that, whether it’s with a presidential authorization or anything else, wouldn’t that be illegal?
MUKASEY: That would have to depend on whether what goes outside the statute nonetheless lies within the authority of the president to defend the country.
LEAHY: Where does the president get that authority? I thinking of the Jackson opinion and others. Where does he get the authority if it’s clearly enunciated what he can do, law that he signed, very clearly enunciated? I mean, the president say, This authority, I’m going to order the FBI to go in and raid 25 houses because somebody told me they think someone’s there. We’re not going to wait for courts, we’re not going to do anything else. There’s no urgency, but we’d just kind of like to do that.
MUKASEY: We’d kind of like to do that is not any kind of legitimate assertion of authority.
And I recognize that you’ve posited the case that way for a reason. But the statute, regardless of its clarity, can’t change the Constitution. That’s been true since the Prize cases. And it was true before that.
Mukasey explicitly states that the president can ignore the law if ” . . what goes outside the statute nonetheless lies within the authority of the president to defend the country.” And the clear implication is that it is the president who determines the necessity, or lack thereof, of going outside the law to defend the country. As one of the people who submitted comments to Marcy Wheeler’s post wrote:
If the President can decide that the 4th Amendment (which is what the FISA bill is all about) restricts his Constitutionally delegated responsibility to protect the nation, then what would stop him from deciding that the 22nd amendment also prevents him from saving the U.S. from the always imminent truly collosal islamofascist attack that will wipe out our way of life?
If the Senate confirms Mukasey without drawing the line on this issue, we’ll have taken one more long step down the slippery slope to the demise of our democracy.